How to Resolve the Debt-Ceiling Crisis • The Value of Studying Gun Violence

Spending decisions should be tied to increases in the borrowing limit

In the final news conference of his first term, President Barack Obama called the increasingly real specter of a U.S. default “irresponsible” and “absurd.” Yet the absurd has become sadly commonplace in Washington.

Consider Obama’s news conference itself: At the same time he was comparing Congress to a bunch of deadbeat diners who refuse to the pay their bill, the president was careful to say this was a crisis Congress would have to solve. It’s not exactly a confidence-inspiring message.

It’s true that it’s up to Congress to raise the nation’s $16.4 trillion debt limit so the U.S. can avoid default. It’s also true that there’s a precedent for Congress doing so with a minimum of hassle. Then the legislative and executive branches can get on with the more pressing budgetary concerns that both say they want to debate.

Perennial fights over the debt ceiling are more than a distraction; they’re hugely damaging to the U.S. economy, preventing a more robust recovery and driving up the nation’s long-term deficit as nervous lenders demand higher interest payments. Yet these battles show no sign of abating, as Republican lawmakers continue to view the debt ceiling as a bargaining chip with which to elicit deep spending cuts.

One way to avoid these tiresome disputes would be for Congress to give the White House power over the debt ceiling so the U.S. can avoid a sideshow that threatens the “full faith and credit” pledge made to those who buy U.S. debt. Republicans, however, reject this as a power grab by the White House.

So here’s another way to end the fight: tie spending decisions to automatic increases in the debt limit. When Congress passes a budget resolution or spending bill, it should also authorize a concurrent increase in the statutory debt limit to pay for what it’s authorizing. This would have the added benefit of fostering fiscal restraint by linking spending decisions to the Congress that authorizes the money. If that local airport runway (or, as the case may be, Bridge to Nowhere) is in the budget, then the U.S. Department of the Treasury can raise the debt limit to pay for it. No additional congressional action necessary.

Such a rule has been in place since 1979. The Gephardt Rule (named for its chief proponent, former Democratic House Majority Leader Richard Gephardt) was intended to avoid the exact scenario that’s occurring today, and it has worked: Of the 20 joint budget resolutions originated by the House under the Gephardt Rule, 15 were enacted into law, according to the Congressional Research Service.

Unfortunately, the rule is not mandatory; each Congress can decide whether to follow it. And House Republicans have repeatedly decided not to, including in 2011, forcing a separate vote to raise the debt limit. That vote, once viewed as routine, has repeatedly paralyzed the U.S. and threatened to derail the economy.

The Treasury reached its statutory borrowing limit on Dec. 31 and is now using extraordinary measures to pay for the government — essentially shifting money among accounts and suspending some payments. The U.S. could exhaust those measures as early as Feb. 15 and would be unable to meet $175 billion of its obligations in the following month.

There are important reasons to reduce how much money the U.S. borrows. The place to do that, however, is through regular budget negotiations — as spending decisions are being made. Linking spending bills with an automatic borrowing increase would also put an end to the debt-ceiling theater. As Obama said, the way the U.S. is operating now is akin to ordering a huge meal in a restaurant and then refusing to pay. The U.S. is not a dine-and-dash nation.

Obama’s gun control proposals strike a blow against ignorance

The White House’s newly announced gun control agenda, and the presidential commitment behind it, is a genuine milestone on America’s long, twisted road toward sensible gun laws. This time, the cynics are wrong.

Will the White House achieve everything it wants? Surely not. But while acknowledging the “complicated challenge” he has embraced, President Obama also recognizes that the Newtown massacre has created space for a meaningful discussion on gun laws.

While most of the focus will be on Obama’s proposals for bans on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, along with universal background checks, we believe the president’s willingness to take a series of executive actions is also vital. Not all 23 items on this list may prove productive. But some will. Especially promising are initiatives to promote gun safety technology, to improve gun tracing and data collection for the federal background check system, and to promote gun violence research under the auspices of the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention.

It’s impossible to overstate the importance of efficient records maintenance and scholarly research on gun violence. The gun lobby has successfully constrained the collection of such information to inhibit public debate. The lobby has reason to be wary of research, much of which suggests that guns are far more dangerous to law-abiding owners than many realize. As Obama said in his remarks, “We don’t benefit from ignorance.”

Likewise, the current haphazard approach to records — from the background checks that are never done to mental health records that go missing — ensures maximum chaos while placing minimal limits on gun purchases. It is an excellent system to promote gun sales, a very poor one if the aim is to protect life.

To read Simon Johnson on Bernanke’s possible successor and Jonathan Alter on Obama’s second term, go to:


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